Second Inaugural Address of James Madison
THURSDAY, MARCH 4, 1813
About to add the solemnity of an oath to the obligations imposed by
a second call to the station in which my country heretofore placed me,
I find in the presence of this respectable assembly an opportunity of publicly
repeating my profound sense of so distinguished a confidence and of the
responsibility united with it. The impressions on me are strengthened by
such an evidence that my faithful endeavors to discharge my arduous duties
have been favorably estimated, and by a consideration of the momentous
period at which the trust has been renewed. From the weight and magnitude
now belonging to it I should be compelled to shrink if I had less reliance
on the support of an enlightened and generous people, and felt less deeply
a conviction that the war with a powerful nation, which forms so prominent
a feature in our situation, is stamped with that justice which invites
the smiles of Heaven on the means of conducting it to a successful termination.
May we not cherish this sentiment without presumption when we reflect
on the characters by which this war is distinguished?
It was not declared on the part of the United States until it had been
long made on them, in reality though not in name; until arguments and postulations
had been exhausted; until a positive declaration had been received that
the wrongs provoking it would not be discontinued; nor until this last
appeal could no longer be delayed without breaking down the spirit of the
nation, destroying all confidence in itself and in its political institutions,
and either perpetuating a state of disgraceful suffering or regaining by
more costly sacrifices and more severe struggles our lost rank and respect
among independent powers.
On the issue of the war are staked our national sovereignty on the high
seas and the security of an important class of citizens whose occupations
give the proper value to those of every other class. Not to contend for
such a stake is to surrender our equality with other powers on the element
common to all and to violate the sacred title which every member of the
society has to its protection. I need not call into view the unlawfulness
of the practice by which our mariners are forced at the will of every cruising
officer from their own vessels into foreign ones, nor paint the outrages
inseparable from it. The proofs are in the records of each successive Administration
of our Government, and the cruel sufferings of that portion of the American
people have found their way to every bosom not dead to the sympathies of
As the war was just in its origin and necessary and noble in its objects,
we can reflect with a proud satisfaction that in carrying it on no principle
of justice or honor, no usage of civilized nations, no precept of courtesy
or humanity, have been infringed. The war has been waged on our part with
scrupulous regard to all these obligations, and in a spirit of liberality
which was never surpassed.
How little has been the effect of this example on the conduct of the
They have retained as prisoners of war citizens of the United States
not liable to be so considered under the usages of war.
They have refused to consider as prisoners of war, and threatened to
punish as traitors and deserters, persons emigrating without restraint
to the United States, incorporated by naturalization into our political
family, and fighting under the authority of their adopted country in open
and honorable war for the maintenance of its rights and safety. Such is
the avowed purpose of a Government which is in the practice of naturalizing
by thousands citizens of other countries, and not only of permitting but
compelling them to fight its battles against their native country.
They have not, it is true, taken into their own hands the hatchet and
the knife, devoted to indiscriminate massacre, but they have let loose
the savages armed with these cruel instruments; have allured them into
their service, and carried them to battle by their sides, eager to glut
their savage thirst with the blood of the vanquished and to finish the
work of torture and death on maimed and defenseless captives. And, what
was never before seen, British commanders have extorted victory over the
unconquerable valor of our troops by presenting to the sympathy of their
chief captives awaiting massacre from their savage associates. And now
we find them, in further contempt of the modes of honorable warfare, supplying
the place of a conquering force by attempts to disorganize our political
society, to dismember our confederated Republic. Happily, like others,
these will recoil on the authors; but they mark the degenerate counsels
from which they emanate, and if they did not belong to a sense of unexampled
inconsistencies might excite the greater wonder as proceeding from a Government
which founded the very war in which it has been so long engaged on a charge
against the disorganizing and insurrectional policy of its adversary.
To render the justice of the war on our part the more conspicuous, the
reluctance to commence it was followed by the earliest and strongest manifestations
of a disposition to arrest its progress. The sword was scarcely out of
the scabbard before the enemy was apprised of the reasonable terms on which
it would be resheathed. Still more precise advances were repeated, and
have been received in a spirit forbidding every reliance not placed on
the military resources of the nation.
These resources are amply sufficient to bring the war to an honorable
issue. Our nation is in number more than half that of the British Isles.
It is composed of a brave, a free, a virtuous, and an intelligent people.
Our country abounds in the necessaries, the arts, and the comforts of life.
A general prosperity is visible in the public countenance. The means employed
by the British cabinet to undermine it have recoiled on themselves; have
given to our national faculties a more rapid development, and, draining
or diverting the precious metals from British circulation and British vaults,
have poured them into those of the United States. It is a propitious consideration
that an unavoidable war should have found this seasonable facility for
the contributions required to support it. When the public voice called
for war, all knew, and still know, that without them it could not be carried
on through the period which it might last, and the patriotism, the good
sense, and the manly spirit of our fellow-citizens are pledges for the
cheerfulness with which they will bear each his share of the common burden.
To render the war short and its success sure, animated and systematic exertions
alone are necessary, and the success of our arms now may long preserve
our country from the necessity of another resort to them. Already have
the gallant exploits of our naval heroes proved to the world our inherent
capacity to maintain our rights on one element. If the reputation of our
arms has been thrown under clouds on the other, presaging flashes of heroic
enterprise assure us that nothing is wanting to correspondent triumphs
there also but the discipline and habits which are in daily progress.