State of the Union Address
25 January 1983
This solemn occasion marks the 196th time that a President of the United
States has reported on the State of the Union since George Washington first
did so in 1790. That's a lot of reports, but there's no shortage of new
things to say about the State of the Union. The very key to our success
has been our ability, foremost among nations, to preserve our lasting values
by making change work for us rather than against us. I would like to talk
with you this evening about what we can do together-- not as Republicans
and Democrats, but as Americans-- to make tomorrow's America happy and
prosperous at home, strong and respected abroad, and at peace in the world.
As we gather here tonight, the state of our Union is strong, but our
economy is troubled. For too many of our fellow citizens-- farmers, steel
andauto workers, lumbermen, black teenagers, working mothers-- this is
a painful period. We must all do everything in our power to bring their
ordeal to an end. It has fallen to us, in our time, to undo damage that
was a long time inthe making, and to begin the hard but necessary task
of building a better future for ourselves and our children.
We have a long way to go, but thanks to the courage, patience, and strength
of our people, America is on the mend.
But let me give you just one important reason why I believe this-- it
involves many members of this body.
Just 10 days ago, after months of debate and deadlock, the bipartisan
Commission on Social Security accomplished the seemingly impossible. Social
Security, as some of us had warned for so long, faced disaster. I, myself,
have been talking about this problem for almost 30 years. As 1983 began,
the system stood on the brink of bankruptcy, a double victim of our economic
ills. First, a decade of rampant inflation drained its reserves as we tried
to protect beneficiaries from the spiraling cost of living. Then the recession
and the sudden end of inflation withered the expanding wage base and increasing
revenues the system needs to support the 36 million Americans who depend
When the Speaker of the House, the Senate majority leader, and I performed
the bipartisan-- or formed the bipartisan Commission on Social Security,
pundits and experts predicted that party divisions and conflicting interests
would prevent the Commission from agreeing on a plan to save Social Security.
Well, sometimes, even here in Washington, the cynics are wrong. Through
compromise and cooperation, the members of the Commission overcame their
differences and achieved a fair, workable plan. They proved that, when
it comes to the national welfare, Americans can still pull together for
the common good.
Tonight, I'm especially pleased to join with the Speaker and the Senate
majority leader in urging the Congress to enact this plan by Easter.
There are elements in it, of course, that none of us prefers, but taken
together it performs a package that all of us can support. It asks forsome
sacrifice by all-- the self-employed, beneficiaries, workers, government
employees, and the better-off among the retired-- but it imposes an undueburden
on none. And, in supporting it, we keep an important pledge to the American
people: The integrity of the Social Security system will be preserved,
and no one's payments will be reduced.
The Commission's plan will do the job; indeed, it must do the job. We
owe it to today's older Americans and today's younger workers. So, before
we go any further, I ask you to join with me in saluting the members of
the Commission who are here tonight and Senate Majority Leader Howard Baker
and Speaker Tip O'Neill for a job well done. I hope and pray the bipartisan
spirit that guided you in this endeavor will inspire all of us as we face
the challenges of the year ahead.
Nearly half a century ago, in this Chamber, another American President,
Franklin Delano Roosevelt, in his second State of the Unionmessage, urged
America to look to the future, to meet the challenge of change and the
need for leadership that looks forward, not backward.
Throughout the world," he said, "change is the order of the day. In
every nation economic problems long in the making have brought crises to
[of] many kinds for which the masters of old practice and theory were unprepared."
He also reminded us that "the future lies with those wise political leaders
who realize that the great public is interested more in Government than
So, let us, in these next 2 years-- men and women of both parties,every
political shade-- concentrate on the long-range, bipartisan responsibilities
of government, not the short-range or short-term temptations of partisan
The problems we inherited were far worse than most inside and out of
government had expected; the recession was deeper than most inside and
out of government had predicted. Curing those problems has taken more time
and a higher toll than any of us wanted. Unemployment is far too high.
Projected Federal spending-- if government refuses to tighten its own belt--
will also be far too high and could weaken and shorten the economic recovery
This recovery will bring with it a revival of economic confidence and
spending for consumer items and capital goods-- the stimulus we need torestart
our stalled economic engines. The American people have already stepped
up their rate of saving, assuring that the funds needed to modernize our
factories and improve our technology will once again flow to business andindustry.
The inflationary expectations that led to a 21 1/2-percent interest
prime rate and soaring mortgage rates 2 years ago are now reduced by almost
half. Leaders have started to realize that double-digit inflation is no
longera way of life. I misspoke there. I should have said "lenders."
So, interest rates have tumbled, paving the way for recovery in vitalindustries
like housing and autos.
The early evidence of that recovery has started coming in. Housing starts
for the fourth quarter of 1982 were up 45 percent from a year ago, and
housing permits, a sure indicator of future growth, were up a whopping
We're witnessing an upsurge of productivity and impressive evidencethat
American industry will once again become competitive in markets at home
and abroad, ensuring more jobs and better incomes for the Nation's work
force. But our confidence must also be tempered by realism and patience.
Quick fixes and artificial stimulants repeatedly applied over decades are
what brought us the inflationary disorders that we've now paid such a heavy
price to cure.
The permanent recovery in employment, production, and investment we
seek won't come in a sharp, short spurt. It'll build carefully and steadily
in the months and years ahead. In the meantime, the challenge of government
is to identify the things that we can do now to ease the massive economic
transition for the American people.
The Federal budget is both a symptom and a cause of our economic problems.
Unless we reduce the dangerous growth rate in government spending, we could
face the prospect of sluggish economic growth into the indefinite future.
Failure to cope with this problem now could mean as much as a trillion
dollars more in national debt in the next 4 years alone. That would average
$4,300 in additional debt for every man, woman, child, and baby in our
To assure a sustained recovery, we must continue getting runaway spending
under control to bring those deficits down. If we don't, the recoverywill
be too short, unemployment will remain too high, and we will leave an unconscionable
burden of national debt for our children. That we must not do.
Let's be clear about where the deficit problem comes from. Contrary
to the drumbeat we've been hearing for the last few months, the deficits
we face are not rooted in defense spending. Taken as a percentage of the
gross national product, our defense spending happens to be only about four-fifths
of what it was in 1970. Nor is the deficit, as some would have it, rooted
in tax cuts. Even with our tax cuts, taxes as a fraction of gross national
product remain about the same as they were in 1970. The fact is, our deficits
come from the uncontrolled growth of the budget for domestic spending.
During the 1970's the share of our national income devoted to this domestic
spending increased by more than 60 percent, from 10 cents out of every
dollar produced by the American people to 16 cents. In spite of all our
economies and efficiencies, and without adding any new programs, basic,
necessary domestic spending provided for in this year's budget will grow
to almost a trillion dollars over the next 5 years.
The deficit problem is a clear and present danger to the basic health
of our Republic. We need a plan to overcome this danger-- a plan based
on these principles. It must be bipartisan. Conquering the deficits and
putting the Government's house in order will require the best effort of
all of us. It must be fair. Just as all will share in the benefits that
will come from recovery, all would share fairly in the burden of transition.
It must be prudent. The strength of our national defense must be restored
so that we can pursue prosperity and peace and freedom while maintaining
our commitment to the truly needy. And finally, it must be realistic. We
can't rely on hope alone.
With these guiding principles in mind, let me outline a four-part plan
to increase economic growth and reduce deficits.
First, in my budget message, I will recommend a Federal spending freeze.
I know this is strong medicine, but so far, we have only cut the rate of
increase in Federal spending. The Government has continued to spend more
money each year, though not as much more as it did in the past. Taken as
a whole, the budget I'm proposing for the fiscal year will increase no
more than the rate of inflation. In other words, the Federal Government
will hold the line on real spending. Now, that's far less than many American
families have had to do in these difficult times.
I will request that the proposed 6-month freeze in cost-of-livinga djustments
recommended by the bipartisan Social Security Commission be applied to
other government-related retirement programs. I will, also, propose a 1-year
freeze on a broad range of domestic spending programs, and for Federal
civilian and military pay and pension programs. And let me say right here,
I'm sorry, with regard to the military, in asking that of them, because
for so many years they have been so far behind and so low in reward for
what the men and women in uniform are doing. But I'm sure they will understand
that this must be across the board and fair.
Second, I will ask the Congress to adopt specific measures to control
the growth of the so-called uncontrollable spending programs. These are
the automatic spending programs, such as food stamps, that cannot be simply
frozenand that have grown by over 400 percent since 1970. They are the
largest single cause of the built-in or structural deficit problem. Our
standard here will be fairness, ensuring that the taxpayers' hard-earned
dollars go only to the truly needy; that none of them are turned away,
but that fraud and waste are stamped out. And I'm sorry to say, there's
a lot of it out there. In the food stamp program alone, last year, we identified
almost [$]1.1 billion in overpayments. The taxpayers aren't the only victims
of this kind of abuse. The truly needy suffer as funds intended for them
are taken not by the needy, but by the greedy. For everyone's sake, we
must put an end to such waste and corruption.
Third, I will adjust our program to restore America's defenses by proposing
$55 billion in defense savings over the next 5 years. These are savings
recommended to me by the Secretary of Defense, who has assured me they
can be safely achieved and will not diminish our ability to negotiate arms
reductions or endanger America's security. We will not gamble with our
And fourth, because we must ensure reduction and eventual elimination
of deficits over the next several years, I will propose a standby tax,
limited to no more than 1 percent of the gross national product, to start
in fiscal1986. It would last no more than 3 years, and it would start only
if the Congress has first approved our spending freeze and budget control
program. And there are several other conditions also that must be met,
all of them in order for this program to be triggered.
Now, you could say that this is an insurance policy for the future,
a remedy that will be at hand if needed but only resorted to if absolutely
necessary. In the meantime, we'll continue to study ways to simplify the
tax code and make it more fair for all Americans. This is a goal that every
American who's ever struggled with a tax form can understand.
At the same time, however, I will oppose any efforts to undo the basic
tax reforms that we've already enacted, including the 10-percent tax break
coming to taxpayers this July and the tax indexing which will protect all
Americans from inflationary bracket creep in the years ahead.
Now, I realize that this four-part plan is easier to describe than it
will be to enact. But the looming deficits that hang over us and over America's
future must be reduced. The path I've outlined is fair, balanced, and realistic.
If enacted, it will ensure a steady decline in deficits, aiming toward
a balanced budget by the end of the decade. It's the only path that will
lead to a strong, sustained recovery. Let us follow that path together.
No domestic challenge is more crucial than providing stable, permanent
jobs for all Americans who want to work. The recovery program will provide
jobs for most, but others will need special help and training for new skills.
Shortly, I will submit to the Congress the Employment Act of 1983, designed
to get at the special problems of the long-term unemployed, as well as
young people trying to enter the job market. I'll propose extending unemployment
benefits, including special incentives to employers who hire the long-term
unemployed, providing programs for displaced workers, and helping federally
funded and State-administered unemployment insurance programs provide workers
with training and relocation assistance. Finally, our proposal will include
new incentives for summer youth employment to help young people get a start
in the job market.
We must offer both short-term help and long-term hope for our unemployed.
I hope we can work together on this. I hope we can work together as we
did last year in enacting the landmark Job Training Partnership Act. Regulatory
reform legislation, a responsible clean air act, and passage of enterprise
zone legislation will also create new incentives for jobs and opportunity.
One out of every five jobs in our country depends on trade. So, I will
propose a broader strategy in the field of international trade-- one that
increases the openness of our trading system and is fairer to America's
farmers and workers in the world marketplace. We must have adequate export
financing to sell American products overseas. I will ask for new negotiating
authority to remove barriers and to get more of our products into foreign
markets. We must strengthen the organization of our trade agencies and
make changes in our domestic laws and international trade policy to promote
free trade and the increased flow of American goods, services, and investments.
Our trade position can also be improved by making our port system more
efficient. Better, more active harbors translate into stable jobs in our
coalfields, railroads, trucking industry, and ports. After 2 years of debate,
it's time for us to get together and enact a port modernization bill.
Education, training, and retraining are fundamental to our success as
are research and development and productivity. Labor, management, and government
at all levels can and must participate in improving these tools of growth.
Tax policy, regulatory practices, and government programs all need constant
reevaluation in terms of our competitiveness. Every American has a role
and a stake in international trade.
We Americans are still the technological leaders in most fields. We
must keep that edge, and to do so we need to begin renewing the basics--starting
with our educational system. While we grew complacent, others have acted.
Japan, with a population only about half the size of ours, graduates from
its universities more engineers than we do. If a child doesn't receivea
dequate math and science teaching by the age of 16, he or she has lost
the chance to be a scientist or an engineer. We must join together-- parents,
teachers, grassroots groups, organized labor, and the business community--
to revitalize American education by setting a standard of excellence.
In 1983 we seek four major education goals: a quality education initiative
to encourage a substantial upgrading of math and science instruction through
block grants to the States; establishment of education savings accounts
that will give middle- and lower-income families an incentive to save for
their children's college education and, at the same time, encourage a real
increase in savings for economic growth; passage of tuition tax credits
for parents who want to send their children to private or religiously affiliated
schools; a constitutional amendment to permit voluntary school prayer.
God should never have been expelled from America's classrooms in the first
Our commitment to fairness means that we must assure legal and economic
equity for women, and eliminate, once and for all, all traces ofunjust
discrimination against women from the United States Code. We will not tolerate
wage discrimination based on sex, and we intend to strengthen enforcement
of child support laws to ensure that single parents, most of whom are women,
do not suffer unfair financial hardship. We will also take action to remedy
inequities in pensions. These initiatives will be joined by others to continue
our efforts to promote equity for women.
Also in the area of fairness and equity, we will ask for extension ofthe
Civil Rights Commission, which is due to expire this year. The Commission
is an important part of the ongoing struggle for justice in America, and
we strongly support its reauthorization. Effective enforcement of our nation's
fair housing laws is also essential to ensuring equal opportunity. In the
year ahead, we'll work to strengthen enforcement of fair housing laws for
The time has also come for major reform of our criminal justice statutes
and acceleration of the drive against organized crime and drug trafficking.
It's high time that we make our cities safe again. This administration
hereby declares an all-out war on big-time organized crime and the drug
racketeers who are poisoning our young people. We will also implement recommendations
of our Task Force on Victims of Crime, which will report to me this week.
American agriculture, the envy of the world, has become the victim of
its own successes. With one farmer now producing enough food to feed himself
and 77 other people, America is confronted with record surplus crops and
commodity prices below the cost of production. We must strive, through
innovations like the payment-in-kind crop swap approach and an aggressive
export policy, to restore health and vitality to rural America. Meanwhile,
instructed the Department of Agriculture to work individually with
farmers with debt problems to help them through these tough times.
Over the past year, our Task Force on Private Sector Initiatives has
successfully forged a working partnership involving leaders of business,
labor, education, and government to address the training needs of American
workers. Thanks to the Task Force, private sector initiatives are now underway
in all 50 States of the Union, and thousands of working people have been
helped in making the shift from dead-end jobs and low-demand skills to
the growth areas of high technology and the service economy. Additionally,
a major effort will be focused on encouraging the expansion of private
community child care. The new advisory council on private sector initiatives
will carry on and extend this vital work of encouraging private initiative
In the coming year, we will also act to improve the quality of life
for Americans by curbing the skyrocketing cost of health care that is becoming
an unbearable financial burden for so many. And we will submit legislation
to provide catastrophic illness insurance coverage for older Americans.
I will also shortly submit a comprehensive federalism proposal that
will continue our efforts to restore to States and local governments their
roles as dynamic laboratories of change in a creative society.
During the next several weeks, I will send to the Congress a series
of detailed proposals on these and other topics and look forward to working
with you on the development of these initiatives.
So far, now, I've concentrated mainly on the problems posed by the future.
But in almost every home and workplace in America, we're already witnessing
reason for great hope-- the first flowering of the manmade miracles of
high technology, a field pioneered and still led by our country.
To many of us now, computers, silicon chips, data processing, cybernetics,
and all the other innovations of the dawning high technology age are as
mystifying as the workings of the combustion engine must have been when
that first Model T rattled down Main Street, U.S.A. But as surely as America's
pioneer spirit made us the industrial giant of the 20th century, the same
pioneer spirit today is opening up on another vast front of opportunity,
the frontier of high technology.
In conquering the frontier we cannot write off our traditional industries,
but we must develop the skills and industries that will make us a pioneer
of tomorrow. This administration is committed to keeping America the technological
leader of the world now and into the 21st century.
But let us turn briefly to the international arena. America's leadership
in the world came to us because of our own strength and because of the
values which guide us as a society: free elections, a free press, freedom
of religious choice, free trade unions, and above all, freedom for the
individual and rejection of the arbitrary power of the state. These values
are the bedrock of our strength. They unite us in a stewardship of peace
and freedom with our allies and friends in NATO, in Asia, in Latin America,
and elsewhere. They are also the values which in the recent past some among
us had begun to doubt and view with a cynical eye.
Fortunately, we and our allies have rediscovered the strength of our
common democratic values, and we're applying them as a cornerstone of a
comprehensive strategy for peace with freedom. In London last year, I announced
the commitment of the United States to developing the infrastructure of
democracy throughout the world. We intend to pursue this democratic initiative
vigorously. The future belongs not to governments and ideologies which
oppress their peoples, but to democratic systems of self-government which
encourage individual initiative and guarantee personal freedom.
But our strategy for peace with freedom must also be based on strength-
- economic strength and military strength. A strong American economy is
essential to the well-being and security of our friends and allies. The
restoration of a strong, healthy American economy has been and remains
one of the central pillars of our foreign policy. The progress I've been
able to report to you tonight will, I know, be as warmly welcomed by the
rest of the world as it is by the American people.
We must also recognize that our own economic well-being is inextricably
linked to the world economy. We export over 20 percent of our industrial
production, and 40 percent of our farmland produces for export. We will
continue to work closely with the industrialized democracies of Europe
and Japan and with the International Monetary Fund to ensure it has adequate
resources to help bring the world economy back to strong, noninflationary
As the leader of the West and as a country that has become great and
rich because of economic freedom, America must be an unrelenting advocate
of free trade. As some nations are tempted to turn to protectionism, our
strategy cannot be to follow them, but to lead the way toward freer trade.
To this end, in May of this year America will host an economic summit meeting
in Williamsburg, Virginia.
As we begin our third year, we have put in place a defense program that
redeems the neglect of the past decade. We have developed a realistic military
strategy to deter threats to peace and to protect freedom if deterrence
fails. Our Armed Forces are finally properly paid; after years of neglect
are well trained and becoming better equipped and supplied. And the American
uniform is once again worn with pride. Most of the major systems needed
for modernizing our defenses are already underway, and we will be addressing
one key system, the MX missile, in consultation with the Congress in a
America's foreign policy is once again based on bipartisanship, on realism,
strength, full partnership, in consultation with our allies, and constructive
negotiation with potential adversaries. From the Middle East to southern
Africa to Geneva, American diplomats are taking the initiative to make
peace and lower arms levels. We should be proud of our role as peacemakers.
In the Middle East last year, the United States played the major role
in ending the tragic fighting in Lebanon and negotiated the withdrawal
of the PLO from Beirut.
Last September, I outlined principles to carry on the peace process
begun so promisingly at Camp David. All the people of the Middle East should
know that in the year ahead we will not flag in our efforts to build on
that foundation to bring them the blessings of peace.
In Central America and the Caribbean Basin, we are likewise engaged
in a partnership for peace, prosperity, and democracy. Final passage of
the remaining portions of our Caribbean Basin Initiative, which passed
the House last year, is one of this administration's top legislative priorities
The security and economic assistance policies of this administration
in Latin America and elsewhere are based on realism and represent a critical
investment in the future of the human race. This undertaking is a joint
responsibility of the executive and legislative branches, and I'm counting
on the cooperation and statesmanship of the Congress to help us meet this
essential foreign policy goal.
At the heart of our strategy for peace is our relationship with the
Soviet Union. The past year saw a change in Soviet leadership. We're prepared
for a positive change in Soviet-American relations. But the Soviet Union
must show by deeds as well as words a sincere commitment to respect the
rights and sovereignty of the family of nations. Responsible members of
the world community do not threaten or invade their neighbors. And they
restrain their allies from aggression.
For our part, we're vigorously pursuing arms reduction negotiations
with the Soviet Union. Supported by our allies, we've put forward draft
agreements proposing significant weapon reductions to equal and verifiable
lower levels. We insist on an equal balance of forces. And given the overwhelming
evidence of Soviet violations of international treaties concerning chemical
and biological weapons, we also insist that any agreement we sign can and
will be verifiable.
In the case of intermediate-range nuclear forces, we have proposed the
complete elimination of the entire class of land-based missiles. We're
also prepared to carefully explore serious Soviet proposals. At the same
time, let me emphasize that allied steadfastness remains a key to achieving
With firmness and dedication, we'll continue to negotiate. Deep down,
the Soviets must know it's in their interest as well as ours to prevent
a wasteful arms race. And once they recognize our unshakable resolve to
maintain adequate deterrence, they will have every reason to join us in
the search for greater security and major arms reductions. When that moment
comes-- and I'm confident that it will-- we will have taken an important
step toward a more peaceful future for all the world's people.
A very wise man, Bernard Baruch, once said that America has never forgotten
the nobler things that brought her into being and that light her path.
Our country is a special place, because we Americans have always been sustained,
through good times and bad, by a noble vision-- a vision not only of what
the world around us is today but what we as a free people can make it be
We're realists; we solve our problems instead of ignoring them, no matter
how loud the chorus of despair around us. But we're also idealists, for
it was an ideal that brought our ancestors to these shores from every corner
of the world.
Right now we need both realism and idealism. Millions of our neighbors
are without work. It is up to us to see they aren't without hope. This
is a task for all of us. And may I say, Americans have rallied to this
cause, proving once again that we are the most generous people on Earth.
We who are in government must take the lead in restoring the economy.
And here all that time, I thought you were reading the paper.
The single thing-- the single thing that can start the wheels of industry
turning again is further reduction of interest rates. Just another 1 or
2 points can mean tens of thousands of jobs.
Right now, with inflation as low as it is, 3.9 percent, there is room
for interest rates to come down. Only fear prevents their reduction. A
lender, as we know, must charge an interest rate that recovers the depreciated
value of the dollars loaned. And that depreciation is, of course, the amount
of inflation. Today, interest rates are based on fear-- fear that government
will resort to measures, as it has in the past, that will send inflation
We who serve here in this Capital must erase that fear by making it
absolutely clear that we will not stop fighting inflation; that, together,
we will do only those things that will lead to lasting economic growth.
Yes, the problems confronting us are large and forbidding. And, certainly,
no one can or should minimize the plight of millions of our friends and
neighbors who are living in the bleak emptiness of unemployment. But we
must and can give them good reason to be hopeful.
Back over the years, citizens like ourselves have gathered within these
walls when our nation was threatened; sometimes when its very existence
was at stake. Always with courage and common sense, they met the crises
of their time and lived to see a stronger, better, and more prosperous
country. The present situation is no worse and, in fact, is not as bad
as some of those they faced. Time and again, they proved that there is
nothing we Americans cannot achieve as free men and women.
Yes, we still have problems-- plenty of them. But it's just plain wrong--
unjust to our country and unjust to our people-- to let those problems
stand in the way of the most important truth of all: America is on the
We owe it to the unfortunate to be aware of their plight and to help
them in every way we can. No one can quarrel with that. We must and do
have compassion for all the victims of this economic crisis. But the big
story about America today is the way that millions of confident, caring
people--those extraordinary "ordinary" Americans who never make the headlines
and will never be interviewed-- are laying the foundation, not just for
recovery from our present problems but for a better tomorrow for all our
From coast to coast, on the job and in classrooms and laboratories,
at new construction sites and in churches and community groups, neighbors
are helping neighbors. And they've already begun the building, the research,
the work, and the giving that will make our country great again.
I believe this, because I believe in them-- in the strength of their
hearts and minds, in the commitment that each one of them brings to their
daily lives, be they high or humble. The challenge for us in government
is to be worthy of them-- to make government a help, not a hindrance to
our people in the challenging but promising days ahead.
If we do that, if we care what our children and our children's children
will say of us, if we want them one day to be thankful for what we did
here in these temples of freedom, we will work together to make America
better for our having been here-- not just in this year or this decade
but in the next century and beyond.
Thank you, and God bless you.