Dwight D. Eisenhower
State of the Union Address
January 7, 1960
Mr. President, Mr. Speaker, Members of the 86th Congress:
Seven years ago I entered my present office with one long-held resolve
overriding all others. I was then, and remain now, determined that the
United States shall become an ever more potent resource for the cause of
peace--realizing that peace cannot be for ourselves alone, but for peoples
everywhere. This determination is shared by the entire Congress--indeed,
by all Americans.
My purpose today is to discuss some features of America's position,
both at home and in her relations to others.
First, I point out that for us, annual self-examination is made a definite
necessity by the fact that we now live in a divided world of uneasy equilibrium,
with our side committed to its own protection and against aggression by
With both sides of this divided world in possession of unbelievably
destructive weapons, mankind approaches a state where mutual annihilation
becomes a possibility. No other fact of today's world equals this in importance--it
colors everything we say, plan, and do.
There is demanded of us, vigilance, determination, and the dedication
of whatever portion of our resources that will provide adequate security,
especially a real deterrent to aggression. These things we are doing.
All these facts emphasize the importance of striving incessantly for
a just peace.
Only through the strengthening of the spiritual, intellectual, economic
and defensive resources of the Free World can we, in confidence, make progress
toward this goal.
Second, we note that recent Soviet deportment and pronouncements suggest
the possible opening of a somewhat less strained period in the relationships
between the Soviet Union and the Free World. If these Pronouncements be
genuine, there is brighter hope of diminishing the intensity of past rivalry
and eventually of substituting persuasion for coercion. Whether this is
to become an era of lasting promise remains to be tested by actions.
Third, we now stand in the vestibule of a vast new technological age-one
that, despite its capacity for human destruction, has an equal capacity
to make poverty and human misery obsolete. If our efforts are wisely directed--and
if our unremitting efforts for dependable peace begin to attain some success--we
can surely become participants in creating an age characterized by justice
and rising levels of human well-being.
Over the past year the Soviet Union has expressed an interest in measures
to reduce the common peril of war.
While neither we nor any other Free World nation can permit ourselves
to be misled by pleasant promises until they are tested by performance,
yet we approach this apparently new opportunity with the utmost seriousness.
We must strive to break the calamitous cycle of frustrations and crises
which, if unchecked, could spiral into nuclear disaster; the ultimate insanity.
Though the need for dependable agreements to assure against resort to
force in settling disputes is apparent to both sides yet as in other issues
dividing men and nations, we cannot expect sudden and revolutionary results.
But we must find some place to begin.
One obvious road on which to make a useful start is in the widening
of communication between our two peoples. In this field there are, both
sides willing, countless opportunities--most of them well known to us all--for
developing mutual understanding, the true foundation of peace.
Another avenue may be through the reopening, on January twelfth, of
negotiations looking to a controlled ban on the testing of nuclear weapons.
Unfortunately, the closing statement from the Soviet scientists who met
with our scientists at Geneva in an unsuccessful effort to develop an agreed
basis for a test ban, gives the clear impression that their conclusions
have been politically guided. Those of the British and American scientific
representatives are their own freely-formed, individual and collective
opinion. I am hopeful that as new negotiations begin, truth--not political
opportunism--will be the guiding light of the deliberations.
Still another avenue may be found in the field of disarmament, in which
the Soviets have professed a readiness to negotiate seriously. They have
not, however, made clear the plans they may have, if any, for mutual inspection
and verification--the essential condition for any extensive measure of
There is one instance where our initiative for peace has recently been
successful. A multi-lateral treaty signed last month provides for the exclusively
peaceful use of Antarctica, assured by a system of inspection. It provides
for free and cooperative scientific research in that continent, and prohibits
nuclear explosions there pending general international agreement on the
subject. The Treaty is a significant contribution toward peace, international
cooperation, and the advancement of science. I shall transmit its text
to the Senate for consideration and approval in the near future.
The United States is always ready to participate with the Soviet Union
in serious discussion of these or any other subjects that may lead to peace
Certainly it is not necessary to repeat that the United States has no
intention of interfering in the internal affairs of any nation; likewise
we reject any attempt to impose its system on us or on other peoples by
force or subversion.
This concern for the freedom of other peoples is the intellectual and
spiritual cement which has allied us with more than forty other nations
in a common defense effort. Not for a moment do we forget that our own
fate is firmly fastened to that of these countries; we will not act in
any way which would jeopardize our solemn commitments to them.
We and our friends are, of course, concerned with self-defense. Growing
out of this concern is the realization that all people of the Free World
have a great stake in the progress, in freedom, of the uncommitted and
newly emerging nations. These peoples, desperately hoping to lift themselves
to decent levels of living must not, by our neglect, be forced to seek
help from, and finally become virtual satellites of, those who proclaim
their hostility to freedom.
Their natural desire for a better life must not be frustrated by withholding
from them necessary technical and investment assistance. This is a problem
to be solved not by America alone, but also by every nation cherishing
the same ideals and in position to provide help.
In recent years America's partners and friends in Western Europe and
Japan have made great economic progress. Their newly found economic strength
is eloquent testimony to the striking success of the policies of economic
cooperation which we and they have pursued.
The international economy of 1960 is markedly different from that of
the early postwar years. No longer is the United States the only major
industrial country capable of providing substantial amounts of the resources
so urgently needed in the newly-developing countries.
To remain secure and prosperous themselves, wealthy nations must extend
the kind of cooperation to the less fortunate members that will inspire
hope, confidence and progress. A rich nation can for a time, without noticeable
damage to itself, pursue a course of self-indulgence, making its single
goal the material ease and comfort of its own citizens-thus repudiating
its own spiritual and material stake in a peaceful and prosperous society
of nations. But the enmities it will incur, the isolation into which it
will descend, and the internal moral and physical softness that will be
engendered, will, in the long term, bring it to disaster.
America did not become great through softness and self-indulgence. Her
miraculous progress and achievements flow from other qualities far more
worthy and substantial--
--adherence to principles and methods consonant with our religious philosophy
--a satisfaction in hard work
--the readiness to sacrifice for worthwhile causes
--the courage to meet every challenge to her progress
--the intellectual honesty and capacity to recognize the true path of
her own best interests.
To us and to every nation of the Free World, rich or poor, these qualities
are necessary today as never before if we are to march together to greater
security, prosperity and peace.
I believe the industrial countries are ready to participate actively
in supplementing the efforts of the developing countries to achieve progress.
The immediate need for this kind of cooperation is underscored by the
strain in our international balance of payments. Our surplus from foreign
business transactions has in recent years fallen substantially short of
the expenditures we make abroad to maintain our military establishments
overseas, to finance private investment, and to provide assistance to the
less developed nations. In 1959 our deficit in balance of payments approached
Continuing deficits of anything like this magnitude would, over time,
impair our own economic growth and check the forward progress of the Free
We must meet this situation by promoting a rising volume of exports
and world trade. Further, we must induce all industrialized nations of
the Free World to work together in a new cooperative endeavor to help lift
the scourge of poverty from less fortunate nations. This will provide for
better sharing of this burden and for still further profitable trade.
New nations, and others struggling with the problems of development,
will progress only if they demonstrate faith in their own destiny and possess
the will and use their own resources to fulfill it. Moreover, progress
in a national transformation can be only gradually earned; there is no
easy and quick way to follow from the oxcart to the jet plane. But, just
as we drew on Europe for assistance in our earlier years, so now do those
new and emerging nations that have this faith and determination deserve
Over the last fifteen years, twenty nations have gained political independence.
Others are doing so each year. Most of them are woefully lacking in technical
capacity and in investment capital; without Free World support in these
matters they cannot effectively progress in freedom.
Respecting their need, one of the major focal points of our concern
is the South Asian region. Here, in two nations alone, are almost five
hundred million people, all working, and working hard, to raise their standards,
and in doing so, to make of themselves a strong bulwark against the spread
of an ideology that would destroy liberty.
I cannot express to you the depth of my conviction that, in our own
and Free World interests, we must cooperate with others to help these people
achieve their legitimate ambitions, as expressed in their different multi-year
plans. Through the World Bank and other instrumentalities, as well as through
individual action by every nation in position to help, we must squarely
face this titanic challenge.
All of us must realize, of course, that development in freedom by the
newly emerging nations, is no mere matter of obtaining outside financial
assistance. An indispensable element in this process is a strong and continuing
determination on the part of these nations to exercise the national discipline
necessary for any sustained development period. These qualities of determination
are particularly essential because of the fact that the process of improvement
will necessarily be gradual and laborious rather than revolutionary. Moreover,
everyone should be aware that the development process is no short term
phenomenon. Many years are required for even the most favorably situated
I shall continue to urge the American people, in the interests of their
own security, prosperity and peace, to make sure that their own part of
this great project be amply and cheerfully supported. Free World decisions
in this matter may spell the difference between world disaster and world
progress in freedom.
Other countries, some of which I visited last month, have similar needs.
A common meeting ground is desirable for those nations which are prepared
to assist in the development effort. During the past year I have discussed
this matter with the leaders of several Western Nations.
Because of its wealth of experience, the Organization for European Economic
Cooperation could help with initial studies. The goal is to enlist all
available economic resources in the industrialized Free World-especially
private investment capital. But I repeat that .this help, no matter how
great, can be lastingly effective only if it is used as a supplement to
the strength of spirit and will of the people of the newly-developing nations.
By extending this help we hope to make possible the enthusiastic enrollment
of these nations under freedom's banner. No more startling contrast to
a system of sullen satellites could be imagined.
If we grasp this opportunity to build an age of productive partnership
between the less fortunate nations and those that have already achieved
a high state of economic advancement, we will make brighter the outlook
for a world order based upon security, freedom and peace. Otherwise, the
outlook could be dark indeed. We face what may be a turning point in history,
and we must act decisively.
As a nation we can successfully pursue these objectives only from a
position of broadly based strength.
No matter how earnest is our quest for guaranteed peace, we must maintain
a high degree of military effectiveness at the same time we are engaged
in negotiating the issue of arms reduction. Until tangible and mutually
enforceable arms reduction measures are worked out, we will not weaken
the means of defending our institutions.
America possesses an enormous defense power. It is my studied conviction
that no nation will ever risk general war against us unless we should be
so foolish as to neglect the defense forces we now so powerfully support.
It is world-wide knowledge that any nation which might be tempted today
to attack the United States, even though our country might sustain great
losses, would itself promptly suffer a terrible destruction. But I once
again assure all peoples and all nations that the United States, except
in defense, will never turn loose this destructive power.
During the past year, our long-range striking power, unmatched today
in manned bombers, has taken on new strength as the Atlas intercontinental
ballistic missile has entered the operational inventory. In fourteen recent
test launchings, at ranges of over 5,000 miles, Atlas has been striking
on an average within two miles of the target. This is less than the length
of a jet runway--well within the circle of total destruction. Such performance
is a great tribute to American scientists and engineers, who in the past
five years have had to telescope time and technology to develop these long-range
ballistic missiles, where America had none before.
This year, moreover, growing numbers of nuclear-powered submarines will
enter our active forces, some to be armed with Polaris missiles. These
remarkable ships and weapons, ranging the oceans, will be capable of accurate
fire on targets virtually anywhere on earth. Impossible to destroy by surprise
attack, they will become one of our most effective sentinels for peace.
To meet situations of less than general nuclear war, we continue to
maintain our carrier forces, our many service units abroad, our always
ready Army strategic forces and Marine Corps divisions, and the civilian
components. The continuing modernization of these forces is a costly but
necessary process, and is scheduled to go forward at a rate which will
steadily add to our strength.
The deployment of a portion of these forces beyond our shores, on land
and sea, is persuasive demonstration of our determination to stand shoulder-to-shoulder
with our allies for collective security. Moreover, I have directed that
steps be taken to program our military assistance to these allies on a
longer range basis. This is necessary for a sounder collective defense
Next I refer to our effort in space exploration, which is often mistakenly
supposed to be an integral part of defense research and development.
First, America has made great contributions in the past two years to
the world's fund of knowledge of astrophysics and space science. These
discoveries are of present interest chiefly to the scientific community;
but they are important foundation-stones for more extensive exploration
of outer space for the ultimate benefit of all mankind.
Second, our military missile program, going forward so successfully,
does not suffer from our present lack of very large rocket engines, which
are so necessary in distant space exploration. I am assured by experts
that the thrust of our present missiles is fully adequate for defense requirements.
Third, the United States is pressing forward in the development of large
rocket engines to place much heavier vehicles into space for exploration
Fourth, in the meantime, it is necessary to remember that we have only
begun to probe the environment immediately surrounding the earth. Using
launch systems presently available, we are developing satellites to scout
the world's weather; satellite relay stations to facilitate and extend
communications over the globe; for navigation aids to give accurate bearings
to ships and aircraft; and for perfecting instruments to collect and transmit
the data we seek. This is the area holding the most promise for early and
useful applications of space technology.
Fifth, we have just completed a year's experience with our new space
law. I believe it deficient in certain particulars and suggested improvements
will be submitted shortly.
The accomplishment of the many tasks I have alluded to requires the
continuous strengthening of the spiritual, intellectual, and economic sinews
of American life. The steady purpose of our society is to assure justice,
before God, for every individual. We must be ever alert that freedom does
not wither through the careless amassing of restrictive controls or the
lack of courage to deal boldly with the giant issues of the day.
A year ago, when I met with you, the nation was emerging from an economic
downturn, even though the signs of resurgent prosperity were not then sufficiently
convincing to the doubtful. Today our surging strength is apparent to everyone.
1960 promises to be the most prosperous year in our history.
Yet we continue to be afflicted by nagging disorders.
Among current problems that require solution are:
--the need to protect the public interest in situations of prolonged
--the persistent refusal to come to grips with a critical problem in
one sector of American agriculture;
--the continuing threat of inflation, together with the persisting tendency
toward fiscal irresponsibility;
--in certain instances the denial to some of our citizens of equal protection
of the law.
Every American was disturbed by the prolonged dispute in the steel industry
and the protracted delay in reaching a settlement.
We are all relieved that a settlement has at last been achieved in that
industry. Percentagewise, by this settlement the increase to the steel
companies in employment costs is lower than in any prior wage settlement
since World War II. It is also gratifying to note that despite the increase
in wages and benefits several of the major steel producers have announced
that there will be no increase in steel prices at this time. The national
interest demands that in the period of industrial peace which has been
assured by the new contract both management and labor make every possible
effort to increase efficiency and productivity in the manufacture of steel
so that price increases can be avoided.
One of the lessons of this story is that the potential danger to the
entire Nation of longer and greater strikes must be met. To insure against
such possibilities we must of course depend primarily upon the good commonsense
of the responsible individuals. It is my intention to encourage regular
discussions between management and labor outside the bargaining table,
to consider the interest of the public as well as their mutual interest
in the maintenance of industrial peace, price stability and economic growth.
To me, it seems almost absurd for the United States to recognize the
need, and so earnestly to seek, for cooperation among the nations unless
we can achieve voluntary, dependable, abiding cooperation among the important
segments of our own free society.
Failure to face up to basic issues in areas other than those of labor-management
can cause serious strains on the firm freedom supports of our society.
I refer to agriculture as one of these areas.
Our basic farm laws were written 27 years ago, in an emergency effort
to redress hardship caused by a world-wide depression. They were continued--and
their economic distortions intensified--during World War II in order to
provide incentives for production of food needed to sustain a war-torn
Today our farm problem is totally different. It is that of effectively
adjusting to the changes caused by a scientific revolution. When the original
farm laws were written, an hour's farm labor produced only one fourth as
much wheat as at present. Farm legislation is woefully out-of-date, ineffective,
For years we have gone on with an outmoded system which not only has
failed to protect farm income, but also has produced soaring, threatening
surpluses. Our farms have been left producing for war while America has
long been at peace.
Once again I urge Congress to enact legislation that will gear production
more closely to markets, make costly surpluses more manageable, provide
greater freedom in farm operations, and steadily achieve increased net
Another issue that we must meet squarely is that of living within our
means. This requires restraint in expenditure, constant reassessment of
priorities, and the maintenance of stable prices.
We must prevent inflation. Here is an opponent of so many guises that
it is sometimes difficult to recognize. But our clear need is to stop continuous
and general price rises--a need that all of us can see and feel.
To prevent steadily rising costs and prices calls for stern self-discipline
by every citizen. No person, city, state, or organized group can afford
to evade the obligation to resist inflation, for every American pays its
Inflation's ravages do not end at the water's edge. Increases in prices
of the goods we sell abroad threaten to drive us out of markets that once
were securely ours. Whether domestic prices, so high as to be noncompetitive,
result from demands for too-high profit margins or from increased labor
costs that outrun growth in productivity, the final result is seriously
damaging to the nation.
We must fight inflation as we would a fire that imperils our home. Only
by so doing can we prevent it from destroying our salaries, savings, pensions
and insurance, and from gnawing away the very roots of a free, healthy
economy and the nation's security.
One major method by which the Federal government can counter inflation
and rising prices is to insure that its expenditures are below its revenues.
The debt with which we are now confronted is about 290 billion dollars.
With interest charges alone now costing taxpayers about 9 1/2 billions,
it is clear that this debt growth must stop. You will be glad to know that
despite the unsettling influences of the recent steel strike, we estimate
that our accounts will show, on June 30, this year, a favorable balance
of approximately $200 million.
I shall present to the Congress for 1961 a balanced budget. In the area
of defense, expenditures continue at the record peace-time levels of the
last several years. With a single exception, expenditures in every major
category of Health, Education and Welfare will be equal or greater than
last year. In Space expenditures the amounts are practically doubled. But
the over-all guiding goal of this budget is national need-not response
to specific group, local or political insistence.
Expenditure increases, other than those I have indicated, are largely
accounted for by the increased cost of legislation previously enacted.
At this point the President interpolated the two paragraphs shown in
[I repeat, this budget will be a balanced one. Expenditures will be
79 billion 8 hundred million. The amount of income over outgo, described
in the budget as a Surplus, to be applied against our national debt, is
4 billion 2 hundred million. Personally, I do not feel that any amount
can be properly called a "Surplus" as long as the nation is in debt. I
prefer to think of such an item as "reduction on our children's inherited
mortgage." Once we have established such payments as normal practice, we
can profitably make improvements in our tax structure and thereby truly
reduce the heavy burdens of taxation.
[In any event, this one reduction will save taxpayers, each ,year, approximately
2 hundred million dollars in interest costs.]
This budget will help ease pressures in our credit and capital markets.
It will enhance the confidence of people all over the world in the strength
of our economy and our currency and in our individual and collective ability
to be fiscally responsible.
In the management of the huge public debt the Treasury is unfortunately
not free of artificial barriers. Its ability to deal with the difficult
problems in this field has been weakened greatly by the unwillingness of
the Congress to remove archaic restrictions. The need for a freer hand
in debt management is even more urgent today because the costs of the undesirable
financing practices which the Treasury has been forced into are mounting.
Removal of this roadblock has high priority in my legislative recommendations.
Still another issue relates to civil rights.
In all our hopes and plans for a better world we all recognize that
provincial and racial prejudices must be combatted. In the long perspective
of history, the right to vote has been one of the strongest pillars of
a free society. Our first duty is to protect this right against all encroachment.
In spite of constitutional guarantees, and notwithstanding much progress
of recent years, bias still deprives some persons in this country of equal
protection of the laws.
Early in your last session I recommended legislation which would help
eliminate several practices discriminating against the basic rights of
Americans. The Civil Rights Commission has developed additional constructive
recommendations. I hope that these will be among the matters to be seriously
considered in the current session. I trust that Congress will thus signal
to the world that our Government is striving for equality under law for
all our people.
Each year and in many ways our nation continues to undergo profound
change and growth.
In the past 18 months we have hailed the entry of two more States of
the Union--Alaska and Hawaii. We salute these two western stars proudly.
Our vigorous expansion, which we all welcome as a sign of health and
vitality, is many-sided. We are, for example, witnessing explosive growth
in metropolitan areas.
By 1975 the metropolitan areas of the United States will occupy twice
the territory they do today. The roster of urban problems with which they
must cope is staggering. They involve water supply, cleaning the air, adjusting
local tax systems, providing for essential educational, cultural, and social
services, and destroying those conditions which breed delinquency and crime.
In meeting these, we must, if we value our historic freedoms, keep within
the traditional framework of our Federal system with powers divided between
the national and state governments. The uniqueness of this system may confound
the casual observer, but it has worked effectively for nearly 200 years.
I do not doubt that our urban and other perplexing problems can be solved
in the traditional American method. In doing so we must realize that nothing
is really solved and ruinous tendencies are set in motion by yielding to
the deceptive bait of the "easy" Federal tax dollar.
Our educational system provides a ready example. All recognize the vital
necessity of having modern school plants, well-qualified and adequately
compensated teachers, and of using the best possible teaching techniques
We cannot be complacent about educating our youth.
But the route to better trained minds is not through the swift administration
of a Federal hypodermic or sustained financial transfusion. The educational
process, essentially a local and personal responsibility, cannot be made
to leap ahead by crash, centralized governmental action.
The Administration has proposed a carefully reasoned program for helping
eliminate current deficiencies. It is designed to stimulate classroom construction,
not by substitution of Federal dollars for state and local funds, but by
incentives to extend and encourage state and local efforts. This approach
rejects the notion of Federal domination or control. It is workable, and
should appeal to every American interested in advancement of our educational
system in the traditional American way. I urge the Congress to take action
There is one other subject concerning which I renew a recommendation
I made in my State of the Union Message last January. I then advised the
Congress of my purpose to intensify our efforts to replace force with a
rule of law among nations. From many discussions abroad, I am convinced
that purpose is widely and deeply shared by other peoples and nations of
In the same Message I stated that our efforts would include a reexamination
of our own relation to the International Court of Justice. The Court was
established by the United Nations to decide international legal disputes
between nations. In 1946 we accepted the Court's jurisdiction, but subject
to a reservation of the right to determine unilaterally whether a matter
lies essentially within domestic jurisdiction. There is pending before
the Senate, a Resolution which would repeal our present self-judging reservation.
I support that Resolution and urge its prompt passage. If this is done,
I intend to urge similar acceptance of the Court's jurisdiction by every
member of the United Nations.
Here perhaps it is not amiss for me to say to the Members of the Congress,
in this my final year of office, a word about the institutions we respectively
represent and the meaning which the relationships between our two branches
has for the days ahead.
I am not unique as a President in having worked with a Congress controlled
by the opposition party--except that no other President ever did it for
quite so long! Yet in both personal and official relationships we have
weathered the storms of the past five years. For this I am grateful.
My deep concern in the next twelve months, before my successor takes
office, is with our joint Congressional-Executive duty to our own and to
other nations. Acting upon the beliefs I have expressed here today, I shall
devote my full energies to the tasks at hand, whether these involve travel
for promoting greater world understanding, negotiations to reduce international
discord, or constant discussions and communications with the Congress and
the American people on issues both domestic and foreign.
In pursuit of these objectives, I look forward to, and shall dedicate
myself to, a close and constructive association with the Congress.
Every minute spent in irrelevant interbranch wrangling is precious time
taken from the intelligent initiation and adoption of coherent policies
for our national survival and progress.
We seek a common goal--brighter opportunity for our own citizens and
a world peace with justice for all.
Before us and our friends is the challenge of an ideology which, for
more than four decades, has trumpeted abroad its purpose of gaining ultimate
victory over all forms of government at variance with its own.
We realize that however much we repudiate the tenets of imperialistic
Communism, it represents a gigantic enterprise grimly pursued by leaders
who compel its subjects to subordinate their freedom of action and spirit
and personal desires for some hoped-for advantage in the future.
The Communists can present an array of material accomplishments over
the past fifteen years that lends a false persuasiveness to many of their
glittering promises to the uncommitted peoples.
The competition they provide is formidable.
But in our scale of values we place freedom first--our whole national
existence and development have been geared to that basic concept and are
responsible for the position of free world leadership to which we have
succeeded. It is the highest prize that any nation can possess; it is one
that Communism can never offer. And America's record of material accomplishment
in freedom is written not only in the unparalleled prosperity of our own
nation, but in the many billions we have devoted to the reconstruction
of Free World economics wrecked by World War II and in the effective help
of many more billions we have given in saving the independence of many
others threatened by outside domination. Assuredly we have the capacity
for handling the problems in the new era of the world's history we are
But we must use that capacity intelligently and tirelessly, regardless
of personal sacrifice.
The fissure that divides our political planet is deep and wide.
We live, moreover, in a sea of semantic disorder in which old labels
no longer faithfully describe.
Police states are called "people's democracies."
Armed conquest of free people is called "liberation."
Such slippery slogans make more difficult the problem of communicating
true faith, facts and beliefs.
We must make clear our peaceful intentions, our aspirations for a better
world. So doing, we must use language to enlighten the mind, not as the
instrument of the studied innuendo and distorter of truth.
And we must live by what we say.
On my recent visit to distant lands I found one statesman after another
eager to tell me of the elements of their government that had been borrowed
from our American Constitution, and from the indestructible ideals set
forth in our Declaration of Independence.
As a nation we take pride that our own constitutional system, and the
ideals which sustain it, have been long viewed as a fountainhead of freedom.
By our every action we must strive to make ourselves worthy of this
trust, ever mindful that an accumulation of seemingly minor encroachments
upon freedom gradually could break down the entire fabric of a free society.
So persuaded, we shall get on with the task before us.
So dedicated, and with faith in the Almighty, humanity shall one day
achieve the unity in freedom to which all men have aspired from the dawn